By the mid-sixteenth century, the Vorotynsky princes were highly sought aft er for their military service within the Russian state. Th e brothers of the Vorotynsky family served as regimental commanders, at times leading substantial independent fi eld formations, in addition to garrisons of major cities and fortresses. In the autumn of 1562, however, the Vorotynsky family fell into disgrace. Th is decline was particularly marked in the case of Prince M.I. Vorotynsky and his brother A.I. Vorotynsky, whose lands were confi scated (Prince V.I. Vorotynsky had already died). Th e severity of the disgrace is also refl ected in its duration; for the elder brother, it ended only in 1565. Mikhail Ivanovich and his wife were imprisoned in Beloozero, while Aleksandr Ivanovich and his wife were detained in Galich. As a result, the Vorotynskys, who were major generals, were permanently expelled from the Russian voivodeship corps. Th e reasons for the disgrace of the Vorotynskys have been a subject of speculation among experts. One commonly held view is that it was a consequence of Ivan IV’s desire to destroy the vast Vorotynsky Principality, refl ecting the course of the Tsar’s land policy. Conversely, alternative theories have postulated that the Vorotynskys’ decline can be attributed to the prevailing political dynamics of the era. Th e present author puts forward an alternative hypothesis, namely that the Vorotynskys were punished for their failure to defeat the Crimean Khan Devlet-Giray near Mtsensk in the summer of 1562. Th e Khan managed to evade capture and retreat onto the steppes, thereby circumventing a potential defeat at the hands of the Russian voivodes. Th is outcome is attributed to the Prince M.I. Vorotynsky’s slowness in command, specifi cally with regard to the Russian troops’ defensive formation. Th is event is likely to have resulted in the monarch’s censure of the prince’s performance in a senior position. During deliberations among experts specializing in the military and political history of the Russian Empire, analogous assumptions have been posited on at least two occasions. A.A. Zimin and V.P. Ul’yanov have expressed views that are similar to these. Th e present author’s position differs from that of his predecessors in terms of its validity, which is derived from a meticulous examination of the sources, specifi cally razriad (register) records and chronicles.

The Table of Ranks of 1722 for the first time fixed the system of state ranks for the Russian Empire. Since that time, numerous works have been published on this historical document, yet many contain inaccuracies and errors, which determined the relevance of the chosen topic. The majority of researchers cite the Table of Ranks as referenced in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire. The present study sets out to achieve the following objectives: first, to study as many variants of the Table of Ranks as possible; second, to group these variants according to their distinctive features; third, to classify the various types of the Table of Ranks; and fourth, to determine which variant was included in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire. To this end, the author consulted over 20 copies of the Table in the leading libraries of the country, including the Russian State Library, the Russian National Library, the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the State Public Historical Library of Russia. The result of this research is what is believed to be the most complete description to date of the surviving versions of the Table of Ranks of 1722. The author assigned an identification number to each copy studied, systematized all bibliographic descriptions of the surviving copies of the Table of Ranks, identified errors and inaccuracies, and clarified the classifi cation by bibliographic principle and printing technique. The author also investigated the internal structure of the Table of Ranks in all printed versions before its inclusion in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire; described common orthographic and compositional features in different editions, and developed his classification according to the structural principle, within which three groups are distinguished: 1. Peter’s classical Table of Ranks without the rank of archiater in the fifth grade, 2. the classical one with the rank of archiater in the fifth grade, 3. the non-canonical Table of Ranks (with the rank of archiater, but with discrepancies in other ranks). As a result of the analysis, it was proven that the Complete Collection of Laws of 1830 included a version of the Table from the second group of the described classification.

The subject of this study encompasses the political works of James Macpherson (1736–1796), which, in contrast to his Poems of Ossian, have not yet been examined by specialists in either Russia or other countries. The objective of this article is to ascertain the system of Macpherson’s political views, primarily expressed in his interpretation of the American Revolution of the late 18th century. The study draws upon a set of Macpherson’s pamphlets, which were written during the American War of Independence and serve as the primary source material for the investigation. These are complemented by the British press of the same period, thus enabling the analysis of the pamphleteering to be situated within the broader context of anti-American propaganda during the War of Independence. Thomas Jeff erson’s papers, which were the primary focus of Macpherson’s criticism, have also been consulted. The pamphlets have been considered both as theoretical works, partly anticipating Edmund Burke’s conservatism, and as a model of propaganda. The author examines the image of America created by Macpherson, the techniques of its negativization, and its connection with the existing literary tradition, in particular with the narratives of Indian captivity, which at that time constituted a separate literary genre. The image in question was constructed on the basis of persistent motifs such as “ingratitude”, “cruelty”, and “savagery”, which were partly transferred to the Continental Congress as an organ of revolutionary power, and partly to the American populace. Furthermore, Macpherson’s assessment of America’s military potential was extremely low. The propagandist developed British propaganda clichés about the cowardice of American soldiers, allegedly capable of winning victories only with the help of cunning or surprise. This image was juxtaposed with the bravery and discipline of British soldiers, although Macpherson raised questions regarding the professional competencies of certain British Whig military leaders as part of his critique of the opposition. Macpherson’s theoretical constructions are based on the denial of the key Enlightenment ideas, which formed the basis of modern constitutionalism, such as popular sovereignty, separation and limitation of power. The conclusion drawn therein asserts the efficacy of the British propaganda narrative. Additionally, Macpherson’s literary connections with America and the reception of his Poems of Ossian by Americans of the 18th century are considered.

The results of Russia’s foreign policy activities on its southern borders enabled the central authorities to intensify the process of modeling the administrative system in the region during the first quarter of the 19th century. The subject of the proposed research is the institute of pristavstvo in the system of administration of the peripheries of the Russian Empire. This institute was established to introduce the peripheral, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional territories of the state into the all-Russian socio-economic and political-legal space. The pristavstvo functioned as a transitional form of imperial administration in the foreign environment. Its initial design was to ensure that the central authorities filled the information vacuum, overcoming the language barrier and creating common rules of interaction in imperial communications. Subsequently, the institution was utilized to communicate the objectives of imperial policy in the region, including the endeavor to overcome the economic isolation of peripheral societies. In this multi-component process, the personality of the imperial offi cial, first and foremost the chief pristav, played an instrumental role. The article utilizes a comprehensive analysis of legislative acts and sources from both central and regional archives to meticulously reconstruct the chronological sequence of events, as well as the changes in individuals who held the post of chief pristav. Initially, the issuance of chief pristavs was conducted through of nominal imperial decrees, and they were attached to the department of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. Subsequently, however, they came under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. These officials were subordinate to the chief administrator in the Caucasus, and subsequently to the civil governor. Representatives of diff erent class and even ethnic groups were mostly in military service in the North Caucasus. The author concludes that chief pristavs played an intermediary role, dictated not only by the nature of their position, but also by the conditions in which they operated. The objective of their service was to establish a reliable communication conduit that would be consistent with Russia’s policy towards the foreign outskirts, whilst not compromising the prerogatives of the local elite.

The article explores the censorship of cinema in Russia during the First World War and the 1917 Revolution. While the history of cinema in Russia has been comprehensively addressed in scientific literature, the structure and powers of cinematographic censorship during the period 1914–1918 remain to be fully elucidated. It is evident that these alterations were of considerable significance when compared to the pre-war period. The nation was divided into territories subject to “full” and “partial” military censorship, and the command of the front-line provinces was granted, among other things, the authority to control film distribution, a power previously held by the civil administration. In the rear provinces, the prevailing order remained largely unaltered. Petrograd, however, was distinguished by its notable deviation from this norm. This was attributable to the establishment of a substantial and intricate censorship apparatus within the city during the war years. The Cinematographic Department became one of its numerous subdivisions in the autumn of 1914. Its employees were responsible for the issuance and revocation of distribution permits, as well as the screening of films (including those with non-military content) prior to their release. Concurrently, the Ministry of the Imperial Court, the police, the inspection of printers, and other entities persisted in their involvement in film censorship. A notable role was played by the Skobelev Committee, which during the war claimed not only to produce war films, but also to censor them. However, as in other forms of censorship, the departmental principle was upheld in the context of cinema. Consequently, the Ministry of the Imperial Court retained the censorship of films involving members of the imperial family, while military censorship in Petrograd operated autonomously and local authorities exercised control in the theatre of war and in the rear. This fragmentation of film censorship was a characteristic feature of the pre-war years and gave rise to a degree of dissatisfaction among representatives of the film industry. The Provisional Government refrained from abolishing military censorship, and film censorship remained in place.

The objective of this study is to characterize the mechanisms and goals of the establishment and development of international relations of the Soviet physical culture movement in the first half of the 1920s as a significant component of cultural diplomacy. The focus is on international sports meetings in which Soviet athletes participated abroad, with a particular emphasis on the 1925 trip of Kharkov footballers, which was of special signifi cance. The growing interest among researchers in the issues of cultural diplomacy is evident, with the majority of works focusing on the USSR’s confrontation with the capitalist world in the sports sphere during the Cold War. However, it was in the 1920s that the institutional foundations of Soviet sport and the forms of its interaction with the outside world were formed. A distinctive characteristic of the period under consideration is the class approach to sport, within the framework of which the working-class physical culture movement was opposed to the bourgeois one. The primary objective of fostering proletarian sports was to cultivate combatants for imminent revolutionary confrontations. International sports meetings between Soviet and foreign proletarian athletes were primarily a means of forging closer ties with them in order to attract them to the Soviet side and thereby expand the ranks of the communist forces, so the actual results of sports competitions were not so important. A further distinctive characteristic of this period was the presence of two organizations, Red Sports International and the Supreme Council of Physical Culture, which were responsible for coordinating interactions with foreign workers’ teams. However, these two entities oft en experienced discord, resulting in the disruption or inadequate promotion of international events. The 1925 football tour of the Kharkov team to Germany represented a pivotal moment in the development of international relations. This event provided the Soviet leadership with a valuable insight into the potential political benefits of triumphing in international sporting competitions, should these victories be accompanied by a well-executed propaganda campaign. Subsequently, these events would be used to enhance the prestige of the USSR in the eyes of the world community.

The article explores the formation of the concepts of dialogue and pluralism as they relate to the spiritual heritage of Popes John XXIII and Paul VI. The Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) initiated the process of the so-called aggiornamento, i.e. the renewal of various aspects of Catholic teaching, and raised the question of revising the principles of relations between the Roman Catholic Church and modern society. Achieving the objectives of the Council necessitated a shift in the approach and tactics employed in communication, a transformation that could not be realized without acknowledging the indispensability of modern concepts such as pluralism and dialogue. These terms feature prominently in the vocabularies of Popes John XXIII and Paul VI, who, through their encyclicals and messages, have constructed a distinctive semantic framework around these concepts. The Catholic conception of pluralism does not imply plurality and equali ty of the components that make up society, but is divided into legitimate and illegitimate, with the criterion of legitimacy being defi ned by the unquestionable authority of the Holy See. The dialogue, which is predicated on the equality of the parties involved, is, in papal documents, reduced to a refined rhetorical and tactical device to achieve the unchanging goal of restoring the unity of the Christian world under the pope’s authority. This represents a shift in the Roman Catholic Church towards a form of realpolitik in its global relations, while maintaining its missionary objectives. However, this pragmatic approach is also characterized by a certain degree of ambivalence, as it grants the pontiff greater discretion in determining the limits of what is permissible, both in establishing the legitimacy of pluralism and in expanding or narrowing the targets, forms and methods of dialogue. This ambivalence was particularly evident during Pope Francis’s papacy, as evidenced by his openness to non-Christian spiritualities and alternative models of social organization, which elicited a range of reactions from both the general public and the Catholic clergy.

The article endeavors to diverge from the conventional normative approach in the study of the role of local (regional) bodies of state power and administration — namely, village, settlement, district, city, and regional Soviets, along with their executive committees — in the Soviet political system. The issue under consideration is to be approached by means of an analysis of the proposals put forth by the Belarusian regional Soviet nomenclature with regard to enhancing the effi cacy of the system of local Soviets of Workers’ Deputies / People’s Deputies. The analysis focuses predominantly on proposals that implicitly refl ect its consolidated position based on administrative practices. The impetus behind the regional bureaucracy’s formulation of this innovative package emanated from two primary motivations: first, the aspiration to augment its authority in alignment with the interests of business and its own administrative career advancement; and second, the desire to curtail the inevitable rise in labor intensity and to safeguard itself from potential career hazards. Local managers recognized the necessity to revise the existing model of relations between regional and higher administrative structures. This revision entailed two primary components. First, it involved the transformation of local Soviets into the primary entity responsible for the comprehensive socio-economic development of their administrative-territorial units. Second, it entailed the expansion of the measures of real administrative infl uence in relation to the heads of enterprises and organizations of higher subordination located on their territory. The effectiveness of the local authorities’ actions was associated with the opportunity to redistribute funded and limited material resources, as well as with the strengthening of local budgets with new revenue

The article provides a concise interdisciplinary analysis of several normative legal acts adopted in 2024 by federal executive authorities of Russia and other state bodies, which are set to take eff ect in 2024. These acts pertain to the regulation of the legal status of foreign citizens and stateless persons, as well as the application of relevant migration legislation. The analysis encompasses both subordinate normative legal acts adopted by bodies of general competence (the President of the Russian Federation, the Government of the Russian Federation, the General Procuratorate of the Russian Federation) and bodies of special competence — federal executive authorities (the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation). These normative legal acts were examined not only from the perspective of legal dogma, but also in relation to the political, economic, and social context of their adoption, including consideration of the events that transpired in 2024. In particular, the article undertakes a thorough examination of the normative legal acts of the President of the Russian Federation. It specifies the categories of persons who have the right to apply for admission to citizenship of the Russian Federation in a simplified procedure. Furthermore, it defines the concept of “repatriate” in relation to the State program to assist voluntary resettlement of compatriots living abroad to the Russian Federation. The present study examines the recent normative legal acts of the Government of the Russian Federation, including those pertaining to modifi cations in the regulations governing migration registration. The present study also analyzes the recently enacted normative legal acts of the Government of the Russian Federation, with specifi c reference to alterations in regulations concerning migration registration. It also encompasses an experimental evaluation of the rules and conditions pertaining to the entry and exit of foreign citizens and stateless persons into and out of the Russian Federation. Moreover, consideration is given to the various departmental normative legal acts (orders) issued by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and the General Procuratorate of the Russian Federation. The analysis conducted indicates that these normative legal acts are intended to enhance the Russian legislation, establish novel eff ective legal mechanisms to address existing gaps and alleviate emerging social tensions.

The article traces the history of the construction of the stone synagogue in Bežun village in the Płock guberniya, and attempts to reconstruct the circumstances of its creation. The authorship of the project has been established through analysis of hitherto unpublished sources, namely archival files of the Płock State Archives and memorial books of the Płock guberniya. Contrary to the previously held view, the architect of the synagogue was determined to be Ludomir Kamiński, rather than S. Kmita, who was the author of its unrealized design. The article also puts forward hypotheses concerning the sources of architectural solutions of the first and second projects of the synagogue. Sigismund Kmita’s unrealized project is probably related to the architecture of the synagogue in Piotrków Trybunalski, which was reconstructed in 1864. Both projects have a three-part facade division, a double Gothic window above the portal and lancet windows on the side parts of the facade, as well as a perspective portal. It is conceivable that the architect Kmita, who studied at the Piotrków Gymnasium during the reconstruction of the Piotrków Synagogue, it is conceivable that he may have incorporated some of its architectural features into his Bežun design. The Piotrków synagogue exhibits a connection with the neo-Gothic synagogue type first embodied in the synagogue in Kassel, Germany, in 1832. It is important to note, however, that the Piotrków synagogue is not an isolated example of this architectural genre in Poland. Similar facade compositions can be observed in the synagogues in Łomza (1880–1881) and Łódź (1899–1904). The hypothesis that the architect Ludomir Kamiński incorporated Orientalist decorative elements into his own project, including horseshoe and lancet windows, can be substantiated by evidence that he had been acquainted with sketches of Neo-Mauritanian synagogues in Europe. The conclusions drawn in the article contribute to the study of the architecture of Central and Eastern European synagogues of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.